Health Care Reform 2009: More Required Reading

There’s a lot of moving pieces to the health care reform process currently underway in Washington, D.C. Politics, policy, and personal interest are all colliding as lawmakers and President Barack Obama Administration try to fix what everyone is calling America’s broken health care system. To put the debate in context it helps to know what the participants are thinking. To understand what they’re thinking it helps to know what their reading and writing.

Earlier this year I put forward a list of required reading for understanding the health care reform debate. Here’s the second installment of what will be a series of such posts. (Note: a third list of required health care reform reading was added August 2, 2009).

1. The Senate Finance Committee, chaired by Senator Max Baucus, will play a major role in determining the health care reform legislation that is likely to arrive on President Barack Obama’s desk this Autumn. And they are taking this role very seriously. The Committee has produced three policy option documents to facilitate their deliberations. The policy papers don’t describe what the Finance Committee will decide upon, but it does provide insight concerning what they will be deciding upon. The option papers are:

2. The Senate Finance Committee isn’t the only one in the upper house with jurisdiction over health care reform. The Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee and its chair, Edward Kennedy, will have a great deal to say about the final legislative package as well. The Committee released an outline of its reform plan yesterday. I have yet to get my hands on that document, although I did find a Senate HELP Committee Briefing Paper dated May 21, 2009.  (When I get a copy of the most current outline I’ll post it here). In addition, as I’ve posted previously, Senator Kennedy recently described his vision for health care reform in some detail. The HELP Committee’s plan stakes out the most liberal, yet still politically realistic, proposals (meaning it doesn’t call for a single payer system). Whether Senator Kennedy expects to get much of what’s laid out in the outline into legislation is unknown. At the very least, by providing an anchor on the left his plan will help him keep the final product from moving what he would consider too far to the middle.

3. As members of Congress begin drafting legislation they will be paying close attention to the impact health care reform will have on the federal budget. The analysts they will turn to for answers work in the Congressional Budget Office.  The CBO recently published guidelines explaining how they will evaluate the budget impact of various proposals in the Budgetary Treatment of Proposals to Change the Nation’s Health Insurance System. An added bonus: the director of the CBO, Douglas Elmendorf, posts frequently to the Congressional Budget Office Director’s Blog, providing additional insight into the agency’s thinking.

4. The Emanuel family has hit the trifecta. Their youngest son is a major Hollywood agent. The middle son is a former Congressman and currently the White House Chief of Staff. Their oldest son is a doctor. Not just any doctor. He is the Chair of the Deparment of Bioethics at the Clinical Center of the National Institutes of Health (that must be one huge business card he’s got). But wait, there’s more. Earlier this year, Dr. Ezekiel Emanuel was named a special adviser to the director of the White House Office of Management and Budget for health policy. In other words, he’s pretty close to health care reform’s ground zero in the Obama White House.  (No slight intended of the Director of the White House Office on Health Reform, Nancy-Ann DeParle, who gets to sit on the actual bulls eye — see #5).  How Dr. Emanuel views reform, consequently, matters. He’s thought long and hard on the subject and, fortunately for inquiring minds, he’s written extensively on the topic, including the book Healthcare, Guaranteed: A Simple, Secure Solution for America. Other writings by Dr. Emanuel include a posting he made to The Huffington Post and another he co-wrote for the New America Foundation.

5. As noted in #4, Nancy-Ann Deparle’s is charged with coordinating President Obama’s health care reform efforts. It’s her job to keep the various players and issues in the debate from spinning out-of-control. Like a traffic cop, it’s up to her to keep things moving toward eventual passage of comprehensive legislation. It’s hard to find much on her personal health care reform positions (if anyone out there has links to her writings on the topic, please let me know).  In an April 2009 briefing for reporters sponsored by the Kaiser Family Foundation, Families USA and the National Federation of Independent Businesses, she did define what she means by a “public health plan.”  You can read a transcript or view a video of her presentation to the press on the Kaiser Family Foundation site

6. Everyone knows the key to health care reform is controlling medical costs. You can have all the market reforms Congress can dream up, but if medical inflation continues to outpace general inflation and wage growth at the rate it has been, it will cripple the economy. Even entrenched stakeholders recongize this reality, which is  how the Advanced Medical Technology Association (AdvaMed), America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), American Hospital Association (AHA), American Medical Association (AMA) , the Pharaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA) , and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) came to publish their medical cost reduction proposals. The document contains cost cutting committments the organizations have made to President Obama.

7. Perhaps the most talked about article on cost containment making the rounds today is a New Yorker article by Dr. Atul Gawande. It is a terrific read that recounts his investigation into why McAllen, Texas is “the most expensive town in the most expensive country for health care in the world.”  It seems MediCare pays twice as much per person in McAllen than it does 800 miles away in El Paso. Dr. Gawande investigates why, offering insights into the health care system that are too rarely considered.

8. It is generally accepted that 30% of health care spending in the united states is unnecessary. That’s $700 billion we’re talking about that could be spent insuring the uninsured, among other uses. Folks like Peter Orszag, the former director of the CBO and currently director of the White House Office of Management and Budget (which makes him Dr. Emanuel’s boss, for those keeping track) often sites this statistic — and its source: Dartmouth University’s  “Atlas of Health Care.”  They have done numerous and extensive studies on the connection (or lack thereof) between medical spending and health outcomes. Their most recent findings, published February 27, 2009, are described in Health Care Spending, Quality, and Outcomes. It’s subtitle: “More Isn’t Always Better,” pretty well sums up the results.

9. A bonus item: For a 3 minute summary of the health care reform debate, presented in a surprisingly entertaining, clear, and balanced way, take a look at the video at myhealthreform.org.  The video is not an in-depth dive into the issue, but rather an informative overview of the topic. If you’ve got friends, clients or colleagues who are looking for a simple explanation of what the debate is all about, it’s a great place to start. (Full disclosure: the site is run by Humana who clearly has a stake in the outcome of health care reform).

There will be more required reading coming soon. For example, we should hear very soon from the  three House Committees with jurisdiction on health care reform with details on their proposals for change. In the meantime, if you come across any articles, books, postings or the like you think belongs on a list of required health care reform reading for 2009, please send them my way.

CBO: Light Regulation of Private Market Reduces Budget Impact

Whether comprehensive health care reform is enacted this year rests to a substantial extent on its impact on the federal budget. To be sure, federal lawmakers can do what they want to the budget. Unlike families, businesses and state governments, the feds can literally print money. But there’s an economic and political cost to this. For example, President Barack Obama’s economic recovery efforts are already hampered by the deficit spending involved.  Opponents to his health care reform would seize any negative budgetary impacts stemming from his reform as a heavy club useful for bashing the Administration’s plan.

Even the Administration’s allies are concerned about the impact of health care reform on the government’s finances. In an email I received from Senator Diane Feinstein she writes, “I believe that there is much room for improvement in our nation’s healthcare system. However, I believe that health care reform should not increase the federal deficit.”

Which is why what the Congressional Budget Office considers “in the budget” or “outside” of it is so critical. The Clinton Administration’s health care plan was dealt a serious blow when, in 1994, the CBO determined that the employer mandate and the purchasing pools, both central  to the reform package, be considered a form of taxation, expanding the federal government. As the Washington Post notes, the “decision was one of several by the CBO that fueled Republican attacks and helped torpedo [the Clinton] reform efforts.” As a result, lawmakers this time around are “treading carefully around the role of government.”

Which makes a recent issues brief published by the CBO especially important. Entitled The Budgetary Treatment of Proposals to Change the Nation’s Health Insurance System especially important. The brief  provide guidance to the careful treading of legislators. At this stage the CBO is reacting to health care reform concepts, not legislation. As with most things, especially things issuing from Washington, D.C., the devil parties in the details.  Nonetheless, the CBO laid out very clearly what factors it would consider in making a determination.

For example, it noted that some determinations will be fairly straightforward. These are items involving cash moving in and out of federal coffers or of entities acting on behalf of the government. “Such transactions include the provision of subsidies for some people and businesses; the income and expenditures of a public health insurance plan; the gov­ernment’s receipts from “play-or-pay” requirements and from penalties imposed on individuals who fail to comply with a health insurance mandate; and “risk adjustment” transactions of the government that shift funds from insurers with lower-risk enrollees to those with higher-risk enrollees.”

Other provisions, for instance those related to requiring individuals to purchase health insurance coverage or the operation of health insurance exchanges through which individuals, small businesses and maybe larger corporations could purchase coverage, are more nuanced. Much will depend on how they are structured.

For example, concerning the individual mandate, the CBO’s determination will hinge on three factors:

  • Is the consumer likely to be able to choose among a number of insurance plans with differing degrees of comprehensiveness?
  • If there are plans with different levels of coverage, will they cover a broad enough range to offer consumers a meaningful choice?
  • Is the consumer likely to be able to choose among several different insurance companies competing on price?

It’s easy to see how complicated this can get. How many choices must consumers have for it to be meaingful choice? What if the minimum benefit package is so rich there’s no meaningful range of benefits? The mere existence of a mandate nor the imposition of federal oversight on the market will not be enough to require resulting premiums and subsidies to be considered part of the federal budget. Instead, it is “a combination of the two—a mandate and tight federal control over how that mandate can be met—[that] is necessary and sufficient to justify recording the affected private-sector transactions in the federal budget.”

How premiums (and expenses) flowing through health insurance exchanges are treated in relation to the federal budget is also far from clear-cut. Factors taken into account will be the nature of the exchange: is it a purchaser of coverage on behalf of its members or simply an information clearinghouse? To what extent are exchanges federal entities under government control? What it comes down to is the degree of federal government control of the exchanges, their powers, and their purpose.

 Douglas Elmendorf, the Director of the Congressional Budget Office, in his blog summarizes the CBO’s guidance to Congress:

  • “Premium income—for a public plan (or plans) and for insurance purchased through exchanges or in the private market—should be classified as federal revenues if there is an individual mandate and tight government control of the insurance market. The corresponding expenditures should also be recorded as outlays in the budget. Similarly, if there is an individual mandate and a dominant public plan available to some segments of the insurance market, premiums and outlays for those segments of the market should appear in the budget and the premium income should be classified as revenues.
  • Premium income should be classified as an offset on the outlay side of the budget—along with the corresponding spending counted as outlays—if:
    • Premiums are collected for a public plan but there is no mandate, or
    • There is an individual mandate in conjunction with an active, loosely restricted private market, and premiums are collected for a public plan or by governmental exchanges. 
  • Outlays for premiums and income from the receipt of those premiums should not appear in the federal budget if:
    • There is no mandate and no public plan, or
    • There is an individual mandate and an active, loosely restricted private market, and if premiums are paid through nongovernmental exchanges or directly to insurers. “

The Obama Administration and Democrats in Congress will try their best to keep revenue and expenses related to health care reform off the budget. They’ll only go so far, however. At some point the calculation as whether the public policy benefit of a provision (in their view) outweighs the political cost comes out on the side of the public policy.

Yet President Obama has made crystal clear his desire for bi-partisan health care reform. For Republicans to sign on to a package they’ll need the political cover keeping as much of the financial impact of the package off the budget as possible.  This, in turn, inserts the CBO guidelines squarely into the debate. And the message is clear: the looser government’s hand grips the new health care system the smaller its budgetary impact.

Is Taxing Health Care Coverage on the Way?

Ideas percolate through the political process in interesting ways: editorials in authoritative publications, important speeches, and more recently, blogs.

For example, the Director of the Congressional Budget Office maintains a blog and it includes an entire section concerning “Health.” The CBO will have a great deal of influence on the health care reform debate. They will provide the benchmark analysis of whatever plans emerge. What they’re thinking matters and, presumably, what their Director is thinking is what the agency is thinking.

For example, former CBO Director, Peter Orzag, now the Director of the Office of Management and Budget, have long warned of the need to reign in health care costs. According to Jonathan Cohn, writing in the New Republic, Mr. Orzag was one of those within the Obama Administration pushing hard for addressing health care reform now, as opposed to later. Clearly what the budget folks think matter. To gain an insight into Mr. Orzag’s thinking, the CBO Director’s Blog is a good start.

The same holds true for the thinking of the CBO’s new director, Douglas Elmendorf. Consider his recent post concerning reigning in medical care costs. In it he notes that “a substantial share of our national spending on health care contributes little if anything to overall health.”  He calls for providing incentives to control costs and sharing of information concerning the effectiveness of treatment. Then he makes an interesting comment: “… the current unlimited tax exclusion for employment-based health insurance dampens incentives for costs control. Those incentives could be changed by restructuring the tax exclusion in ways that would encourage workers to join health plans with higher cost-sharing requirements and tighter management of benefits.”

This opens up a host of interesting worm-filled cans. During the presidential campaign, Republican Senator John McCain called for taxing the value of health care coverage (along with offsetting tax credits). The Democratic nominee, now President Barack Obama castigated the idea, calling it the biggest tax increase on the middle class in history. However, many in Congress of both parties are reviving the idea. OMB Director Orzag has indicated that all ideas, even taxing the value of health care coverage, needs to be on the table. Few other comments on the topic have been forthcoming from the Administration, but realistically, paying for the cost of universal coverage will require at least a strong look at this revenue option.

On the surface, this makes a lot of sense. The current system is regressive, meaning it is a better deal for the wealthy than for lower income Americans. The higher your tax bracket and the richer your benefits, the better the current system works for you. For example, a CEO earning $500,000 a year, paying an effective tax rate of 40 percent (state and local) and receiving health insurance benefits worth $10,000 per year. If the coverage was taxed, our hypothetical CEO would pay $4,000 in taxes. Instead, she gets a “gift” from the tax code of this amount. Working for this CEO is a clerk, earning $40,000 per year and paying 15 percent in taxes with the same coverage. If the value of health insurance was taxed the employee would pay $1,500 in taxes — his gift is less than half of the CEO’s.

You might think Democrats would be jumping all over this loophole. After all, they’re the party of progressive taxes. Instead, those few who are willing to raise the issue are demonstrating real political courage. Because unions, who contributed millions of dollars and armies of foot soldiers into the election of a Democratic Congress and President, are adamantly opposed to taxing benefits.

For decades, unions have negotiated rich health care benefits for their members in lieu of salary increases. Their members valued the coverage, which was received tax free. It was a reasonable trade-off for employers — they can deduct the cost of health insurance just as easily as they deduct the cost of salaries. Changing the rules of the game would, in essence, punish union members for doing what economists say everyone should do: pursue economic self-interest based on the rules of the game.

There are ways to mitigate the pain unions will feel if health insurance is taxed. As Mr. Elmendorf notes, the tax rules can be modified rather than eliminated so as to encourage consumers to choose cost effective plans. Or the value of union negotiated health benefits could be exempted from the tax for a transitional period, allowing unions and employers to negotiate new contracts under the new rules.

Health care reform is going to be expensive — covering all Americans will cost over $1 trillion. We’re already spending large sums to salvage the tattered economy (and, apparently, to enrich the AIG traders who helped get us into this mess). Yes, the government can print the dollars it needs, but that leads to another problem which goes by the name of  inflation.

If health care reform is going to be enacted in the next 12-to-18 months, which I think it will, the money for reform will need to be identified. My guess is taxing health care coverage will be one of those sources. It won’t be a straight repeal of the current exemption, it may be offset with subsidies and credits, some coverage may be grandfathered for awhile, but the tax is coming. 

Meaningful health care reform will change a lot of the rules we’re used to. This is just one of them.

Health Care Reform 2009: Required Reading

Health care reform will be painful enough without requiring home work, but such is life. Here then is the required reading list for understanding the 2009 health care reform debate, where it’s going, and why.
(Note: a second list of health care reform required reading was added June 2, 2009 and a third list was added on August 11, 2009)

1. Critical: What We Can Do About the Health-Care Crisis by Tom Daschle withScott S. Greenberger and Jeanne M. Lambrew.

Former-Senator Daschle will be leading President Barack Obama’s health care reform effort, both in his position as Secretary of Health and Human Services and as Director of the Office of Health Reform inside the White House. Ms. Lambrew will be serving as Deputy Director of the Office of Health Reform. That there even is an Office of Health Reform highlights the importance of this issue to the incoming administration. That the Director of this office is also a Cabinet Secretary enhances the prestige — and clout — of both the office and its leader.

This makes understanding soon-to-be Secretary Daschle’s outlook on health care reform, well, critical. His book, Critical serves as a blueprint to his thinking.  Although the book was written before the identity of the Democratic nominee would be, Senator Daschle was an early supporter of Senator Barack Obama. It’s not surprising that his proposal ties-in well with the then presidential candidate’s health care reform proposal. Senator Daschle’s book, however, goes further.

Core to his solution for what ails America’s health care system is the creation of a Federal Health Board. Modeled after the Federal Reserve Board, it’s aimed at removing effort to control health care costs one step away from the day-to-day politics of Capitol Hill. “I believe a Federal Health Board should be charged with establish the [health] system’s framework and filling in most of the details. This independent board would be insulated from political pressure and, at the same time, accountable to elected officials and the American people. This would make it capable of making the complex decisions inherent in promoting health system performance. It also would give it the flexibility to make tough changes that have eluded Congress in the past.”

Specifically, Senator Daschle would have the Board set the rules for the national health exchange he would create. Through its own research and helping to prioritize research by other federal agencies, the Board would help promote “high value” medical care by “ranking services and therapies by their health cand cost impacts.” Senator Daschle would also have the board “align incentives with high-quality care.”  This would be done through evaluating new technologies as well as by aligning provider payments made by the federal government with health outcomes, rather than with services delivered. Finally, Senator Daschle would ask the Board to assist in “rationalizing our health-care infrastructure” by issuing an annual report identifying where investments are needed across the country — and where they’re not.

In addition to providing a blue print for the Obama Administration’s future health care reform proposals, Senator Daschle does an exceptional job of describing the history of America’s health care reform efforts from 1914 through the present day. As a participant in much of that history, his review can’t help but reflect his own biases, but Senator Daschle ably places today’s debate in an appropriate context.

What’s most encouraging about Critical is that it signifies a clear understanding of the central role controlling medical costs holds in reforming the system. This doesn’t mean Senator Daschle won’t seek to change the health insurance industry. He calls for expansion of federal programs, including a government program that would insure most individuals and small groups. For insurance agents, what is most disconcerting is that Critical never once mentions the role agents play in the current system nor what role Senator Daschle foresees agents playing in his vision for a future system.

 Nonetheless, Critical is important reading as Washington prepares to address America’s health care challenges.

2. Key Issues in Analyzing Major Health Insurance Proposals, by the Congressional Budget Office, published December 2008.

The Congressional Budget Office provides critical input to lawmakers on the expected impact of their legislative proposals. A negative analysis ruling can — and probably should — kill a bill; a positive one can help build momentum and support. Key Issues is not aimed at instructing members of Congress what to do about health care reform. Instead, it lays out how the CBO intends to evaluate whatever proposals Congress generates. As the report notes, “This document does not provide a comprehensive analysis of any specific proposal; rather, it identifies and discusses many of the critical factors that would affect estimates of various proposals.”

The budgetary impact of any health care reform proposal will be critical to its eventual success. The CBO document lays out in significant detail how it will go about measuring that impact. In doing so, the CBO provides a host of statistics, graphs and data that will be bandied about during the debate.

As if all this wasn’t enough to make Key Issues  a must read, Peter Orszag was Director of the CBO when the report was prepared. Mr. Orszag will be Director of the Office of Management and Budget in the Obama White House. In that role, he will have a great deal to say about the financial impact of various reform plans. Given his involvement, it’s not unfair to expect the Administration’s analysis to closely mirror the Congressional analysis described in Key Issues.

3.  Roadmap for Implementing Value Driven Healthcare in the Traditional Medicare Fee-for-Service Program,” by the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services.

The upcoming reform debate will be peppered with calls for “transparency,” paying for “value, not services” and for making commercial coverage as cost effective as Medicare. So it makes sense to see what the folks who run Medicare are thinking about concerning these issues. This report is CMS’ effort to help lawmakers “create rationale approaches to lessen healthcare cost growth and to identify and encourage care delivery patterns that are not only high quality, but also cost-efficient.”  The report describes the programs and demonstration projects already put in place by CMS to “foster joint clinical and financial accountability in the healthcare system.”

The CMS report is a tougher read than the other’s on this list. But given that any reform proposal will need to tackle skyrocketing medical costs, the report is worth the time.

I’ll add to this list in later posts, but these three items are a good place to start. And remember, if you think the reading list for health care reform is bad, just wait until you see the final exam.

President Obama and Health Care Reform Expectations

Senator Barack Obama remains a Senator for another 77 days. Then he becomes President of the United States. His is a remarkable story heightened by his ability to both symoblize and articulate hope. The challenges he will face upon assuming office are daunting, to say the least. Then there’s the expectations.

Every political campaign is about expectations. Candidates make promises because voters want to know what to expect. Democrats and Republicans, Mavericks and Insiders, they all make promises, which means they all create expectations. In this election, both candidates raised expectations that the nation’s “broken health care system” would, at least, be fixed.

I believe there will be comprehensive national health care reform in the next four years. There’s clearly pent-up demand in Congress for change. A bi-partisan group of Senators led by Democratic Senator Ron Wyden and Republican Senator Bob Bennett already have introduced a comprehensive health care reform package, the “ apple logo design analysis essay essay conclusion references follow cigarette smoking should be banned in public places essay contest manufacturer of viagra how to check if your paper has plagiarism how to delete email folders from my ipad write essay about a famous person follow site narrative essay ideas for kids benedictine university application essay source https://equalitymi.org/citrate/viagra-dan-daha-iyi/29/ https://www.lapressclub.org/hypothesis/exemple-question-dissertation/29/ follow url all quiet on the western front loss of innocence essay cialis o viagra opiniones find phd thesis essay about pubs follow site https://lawdegree.com/questions/creative-writing-groups-adelaide/46/ essay on racism and discrimination example of self biography essay apocalypto review essay examples click https://thejeffreyfoundation.org/newsletter/passion-essay-topics/17/ protestant ethic essay questions https://library.citytech.cuny.edu/podcast/article.php?publish=a-bout-de-course-sidney-lumet-critique-essay click go to site about relationships essay got a problem solve it Healthy Americans Act.” Senator Edward Kennedy is looking to cap his historic tenure in Congress with health care reform. While battling brain cancer he and his aides have been meeting (both personally and by video conference) lawmakers and advocacy groups to create a framework for health care reform. Many in Washington believe that the Clinton Administration squandered a unique opportunity for reforms that would have greatly benefited the nation over the past 14 years. They do not intend to let another chance go by.

Health Access outlined several reasons for progressives to be optimistic that meaningful reform is coming from Washington, D.C. They note the starring role health care reform played in Senator Obama’s campaign and the Obama/Biden ticket’s endorsement of Health Care for America Now!’s principles. They point out Senator Obama’s resounding victory will give him the political muscle, and his campaign theme and image gives him the credibility, to push through meaningful reforms.

I believe Health Access’ analysis is correct. There’s another reason health care reform is likely: the Obama Administration will take a far different approach than that taken by the Clinton Administration in 1993. They’ll learn from President Clinton’s mistakes. They’ll be far more inclusive and more accepting of input from Congress. They’ll be more willing to compromise on specifics to achieve their principles.  President Obama will bring to health care reform the same superb organization and discipline he brought to his campaign. All of this bodes well for some kind of significant reform coming out of Washington in the next four years.

The Obama Administration will face two challenges in fulfilling the health care reform expectations. First is the complex nature of the problem. A great deal of the upcoming debate will be spent on market reforms (should insurers be required to sell coverage to all applicants?) and access (should all Americans be required to have health care coverage?). These questions alone have brought down many a reform proposal. Yet they’re the relatively easy challenges. Too little attention will be spent on the most vexing problem facing every health care system in the world: the skyrocketing cost of medical care.

Someone has to pay for health care and there are only three sources: taxes, premiums or charity (some people pick up the tab for other people). Medical care inflation historically outpaces general inflation and there’s no reason to believe that will change. Which means it’s only a matter of time before the burden of paying for care crushes every and all of those sources.

This isn’t news. Last year the Henrey J. Kaiser Family Foundation released a study, Health Care Costs: A Primer, that put the discrepancy between inflation rates in perspective. There have been sporadic attempts in Washington to draw attention to the cost issue. In November 2007 the Congressional Budget Office identified the need for policy makers to focus on restraining health care costs. There are a lot of suggestions for controlling medical cost problem floating around. Few of them are easy to implement, especially since numerous interest groups will work hard to defend their current share of the health care dollar. And in the end, for better or worse, health care reform comes down to dollars.

Which leads to the second problem facing President Obama’s health care reform efforts. The nation’s economic house is in disorder. Can the nation afford expensive health care reform during a time of financial crisis?

Well, it depends. If health care reform is viewed as a line item expense on the government’s ledger, the answer is no. Even a liberal Congress is going to be hesitant to run up ever greater deficits by increasing government spending. And it’s not yet clear this Congress will be more liberal than the last. After all, a lot of its newer members came from relatively conservative districts or states. Especially when it comes to budget matters like deficits and taxes, the new Congress may have swing toward the middle.

But spending money on the health care system need not be viewed as a simple expense. By repositioning health care reform as part of a public works-like stimulus package the huge costs involved may be more palatable to the public and fiscal hawks in Washington. President-elect Obama has already declared his desire to increase spending on the nation’s infrastructure in order to create jobs and bolster the economy. Infrastructure is usually defined as roads, bridges and buildings. That doesn’t mean the definition can’t be expanded to encompass the health of its work force. In this context, health care reform is not a cost, it’s an investment.

President-elect Obama has promised voters health care reform during his first term. Upon taking office, however, he’ll face wars abroad and economic crisis at home. Dealing with the latter does not require him to ignore the former issue. By positioning health care reform as part of his plan to rebuild America, he might actually be able to fulfill the great expectations he’s created.